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Editorial
The Wall Street Journal
November 30, 2000
Israeli Endgame
The accolades came in fast and thick the night Ehud Barak was selected
Prime
Minister of Israel in a landslide over Benjamin Netanyahu. New York
Times
columnist Thomas Friedman hailed the neophyte politician as a
"statesman"
who could bring an end to the country's "national nightmare." Similar
gush
was heard
from the Clinton Administration, which had dispatched its political hit
team
of Carville, Greenburg & Shrum to defeat the evil Bibi and, it was
assumed,
Give Peace a Chance.
That was 17 months ago. Since then, Mr. Barak has done just about
everything
people like Mr. Friedman and Mr. Clinton have wanted him to do. He made
a
good-faith offer to Syria to return nearly all the Golan Heights. He
withdrew the Israeli army from its outposts in southern Lebanon. He
went to
Camp David and reportedly made Yasser Arafat an offer beyond anything
the
Palestinian strongman could have expected given previous Israeli
conditions.
The offer is said to have included 90% of the West Bank and half of
Jerusalem.
And where has this got him? Syria imperiously rebuffed the Golan offer
because it amounted to a mere 99% of its demands. Hezbollah has been
launching attacks into northern Israel on the claim that a sliver of
Lebanese territory remains in the "occupiers" hands. (Even the U.N.
disagrees.) The Palestinian leadership did not waste much time in
tagging
the new Prime Minister as "Barakyahu." When the opportunity presented
itself
in the form of Ariel Sharon's allegedly provocative visit to the Temple
Mount, they launched their latest bloody "uprising." Now Israel is
facing up
to a real horror: terrorist bomb attacks within Israel proper,
something
that didn't happen even in the "nightmarish" Netanyahu years.
Internationally, too, the situation has worsened. An Israel that found
itself ostracized under Mr. Netanyahu's government is now nearly a
pariah
state, routinely accused of the excessive use of force, war crimes and
even
genocide. This despite the fact that Israeli soldiers have in the
present
crisis acted only defensively or reactively, going so far as to warn
Palestinians in advance where helicopter gunships are going to strike.
Meanwhile, the Clinton Administration that did so much to bring Mr.
Barak to
power has offered only halfhearted support for Israel, terrified as it
is
that in so doing it might offend Mr. Arafat. Not that it helps: Mr.
Arafat
has now taken to denouncing the U.S. for providing Israel with military
support.
All this came to a head on Tuesday, when Mr. Barak, facing a vote of no
confidence, was forced to call for new elections, probably to be held
within
the next six months. Current opinion polls show that Mr. Barak would
lose
narrowly to Mr. Sharon or otherwise be trounced by Mr. Netanyahu,
should the
former prime
minister choose to throw his hat in the ring. As it is, Mr. Barak may
not
even make it that far: members of his own party are disgruntled and may
challenge him for the leadership.
So what's been learned from all this? Tom is confused. The current
fighting,
he says, "makes no sense." The Israeli strategy is "whacky" and the
Palestinian one "insane." Saying the world's gone mad is, of course,
what
people often do when
their predictions prove wrong. Meanwhile, U.S. Secretary of State
Madeleine
Albright thinks the peace process can "move ahead" as soon as the
violence
ends. But she, of all people, should know that you can never go home
again.
Israelis, however, do seem to be learning something. They are learning
that
the
international support generated by territorial concessions can last
only as
long as it takes the Palestinians to gin up another grievance -- and
there's
an endless supply of those, from hassles with work permits to the
"right of
return" for refugees. They are learning that goodwill gestures are
taken by
their
enemies as a sign of weakness, not goodness. They are learning that
Palestinian demands are non-negotiable, calling into question the
utility of
negotiation. They are learning that to have formal relations with their
neighbors counts for
little, as the recall of Egypt's ambassador last week showed. They are
learning, in short, that after more than a half-century of existence
they
are still fighting a war for independence.
So Israelis will soon go to the polls and change the composition of
government. That they alone among their neighbors can do this is not a
fact
much commented on in the Western press (much less in the Arab one). But
as
little Israel again comes under siege -- from Hamas terrorists, Tanzim
militiamen, Hezbollah guerrillas as well as sanctimonious Westerners --
it
bears notice that this
little country remains free, and brave and, it now seems, a little
wiser.
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