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The Wall Street Journal
December 11, 2000
Review & Outlook
Barak Resigns
"The logical outcome of retreat," Napoleon Bonaparte is said to have
remarked, "is surrender." One would think that as Israel's most
decorated
soldier, Ehud Barak appreciates the sense of these words, both in
politics
and in war. Yet as prime minister, Mr. Barak has championed a very
different
kind of strategy -- the strategy of pre-emptive surrender. That it has
now
brought him to announce his resignation should surprise no one.
Look at the record. The prime minister thought that he could throw
Syria off
balance and score political points with the West by surrendering
Israel's
position in southern Lebanon ahead of schedule. He thought he could do
the
same at Camp David by surrendering Israel's most valuable negotiating
chits
-- the division of Jerusalem, possession of the Jordan River Valley --
when
neither Bill Clinton nor probably even Yasser Arafat expected him to do
so.
He avoided a vote of no confidence last month by surrendering to calls
for
early national elections. Now he has again taken everyone by surprise
by
surrendering his own seat (something he pledged not to do only two
weeks
ago), though he will remain in office at least until elections are held
in
60 days.
The outcome of all this is well-known. Israel's northern flank lies
exposed
to guerrilla attacks. It faces a Palestinian uprising on a scale not
seen
since the 1930s. It faces unanimous hostility in the wider Arab world
and
near-unanimous hostility from the West, especially in Europe. And now
it
faces a grave domestic political crisis.
Mr. Barak believes that an early election will sideline Labor party
rivals
such as Knesset speaker Avraham Burg or Foreign Minister Shlomo
Ben-Ami. Mr.
Barak also hopes his resignation will block out his most popular
potential
opponent, former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is not now a
member
of the Israeli Knesset and so is ineligible to run in an election
solely for
prime minister. That would allow Mr. Barak to face a more vulnerable
opponent, septuagenarian Likud party leader Ariel Sharon.
The Knesset could also pass a law allowing non-members such as Mr.
Netanyahu
to run in a race only for prime minister (Mr. Netanyahu announced his
intention to do so yesterday). This seems a likely scenario as a device
to
postpone a general election in which many left-of-center Knesset
members
might be swept away by a Netanyahu landslide. But a Netanyahu victory
in
such an election would lack a corresponding parliamentary mandate,
thereby
crippling the government from the outset.
There can, of course, be little doubt that Israel will ride out the
current
tempest, especially once Mr. Barak departs from the scene. Like his
Washington mentors, the Israeli Prime Minister has proved not a
statesman
but a consummate political tactician, always hoping that through clever
maneuvering he can evade the responsibilities of campaign promises and
"red
lines," of principles and consistency. Like his Washington mentors,
too, he
has shown a remarkable willingness to put his own political needs and
ideas
ahead of those of his country, thus giving the lie to the very name of
his
party, "One Israel." Fortunately, the Clintonian politics of spin
cannot
survive for very long in an environment where bad ideas are swiftly
followed
by bad consequences.
And what follows? Mr. Barak may win another mandate, though it's hard
to see
what he can possibly do with it. The Palestinians, having rejected his
most
generous overtures last summer, will not now settle for less. Instead,
we're
likely to see the ascendancy of either Mr. Sharon or Mr. Netanyahu.
These
men come from different generations and have very different political
styles. But they share an important premise: that in the Middle East
today,
as elsewhere in the past, "Never Surrender" is a better motto than
"Peace
Now."
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