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EYE ON THE MEDIA: A media conspiracy? No, just
fashion
By David Bar-Illan
(December 16) In a world where events are only as important as the
news they make, the difference between media silence and headlines can
determine the fate of individuals, issues and nations. This is why
public-relations firms and political consultants make fortunes by
mastering the alchemy of converting information into news.
Yet why some items become major news and others cannot get an inch
of print in a supermarket tabloid is an exasperating enigma.
In the Israeli context, the conspiracy-minded find it difficult to believe
that the almost total media blackout on the exploits of Avishai Raviv, or
the press reluctance to address the question of Prime Minister Ehud
Barak's campaign finances is not a result of a Machiavellian plot. But
the examples of puzzling media choices throughout the world militate
against such conspiracy theories.
The only reasonable explanation seems to lie in the all-too-human
proclivity for following the fashion. In the current vernacular, such
socio-intellectual fashion is known as "politically correct."
It is not tacit censorship, nor a mysterious cabal that determine what
should appear in tomorrow's paper.
It is just fashion.
It is not fashionable, for example, to expose Palestinian Authority
Chairman Yasser Arafat's corrupt regime.
This does not mean that no opinion piece bewailing the lot of the
Palestinians under his yoke will ever appear, or that a report on his
venality and personal wealth will automatically be spiked. But it does
mean that a dogged, persistent investigation of his government, a
merciless analysis of his actions, and harrowing stories about victims of
deprivation, injustice and torture in the Palestinian areas - the sort of
stories the media are so expert in delivering - will almost never see the
light of day.
The reason for this is that the vast majority of editors and journalists
support what they consider a peace process, and believe that news that
would reflect badly on Arafat will harm this process. Their motive may
be noble, but it does not justify discarding the right of the public to
know.
Nor does it seem to occur to them that by concealing the truth they are
helping perpetrate a cruel hoax on the Palestinians.
ALL THIS is by way of introduction to two recent cases in which news
value is discarded for the sake of political correctness.
For more than three years, the PA has been sheltering terrorists
responsible for killing American citizens. American law authorizes the
administration to do everything in its power to bring such killers to trial.
If the government in whose jurisdiction terrorists find shelter refuses to
cooperate, American agents ignore local law, apprehend the terrorists
and bring them to justice in the US. Ramzy Yousef, one of the two most
wanted terrorists in the world (the other is Osama Bin Laden) was
hiding in Pakistan when American agents caught him and brought him
to New York for trial.
Yet the administration, eager not to embarrass Arafat, has avoided
asking for the extradition of these terrorists, some of whom are serving
in the Palestinian Police. Nor has it acted to apprehend them.
This in itself is a news story by any criteria. But the two leading
American newspapers, The New York Times and The Washington Post,
have totally ignored the issue. Even more astonishing, these papers
have consistently ignored a three-year struggle by the American Jewish
community, spearheaded by the Zionist Organization of America, to
force the administration's hand.
Last month, for the first time ever, Congress enacted legislation that
addressed the issue of American victims of Palestinian terrorism. This,
too, was blacked out by these newspapers.
True, the legislation is practically toothless. It does not impose penalties
on the PA if it refuses to cooperate. But it does put the State
Department on notice. The administration is required to report twice a
year on the status and whereabouts of Palestinian terrorists involved in
killing Americans.
Since some of these terrorists serve in the Palestinian Police and in
other official positions, the publication of such reports may have some
impact on American voters interested in the Middle East.
Yet there was not a word in The New York Times and The Washington
Post about the Senate hearings to which Israeli Justice Ministry experts
were invited, the petitions jointly signed by such political adversaries as
Americans for Peace Now founder Leonard Fein and ZOA president
Morton Klein, or the public statements made jointly by Orthodox,
Conservative and Reform rabbis.
The papers found no interest in the outrageous evasions by
administration officials (Secretary of State Madeleine Albright claimed
she was "not familiar with the issue," Undersecretary Thomas Pickering
was "unaware" of it). Nor did they consider it newsworthy that the US
posted rewards for all terrorists wanted for killing Americans, except
Palestinians.
Even more newsworthy was that some of the administration's most
ardent supporters in Congress joined the attack on its appeasement
policy. The Congress's attitude could not have been made clearer than
when it voted 406-0 for a resolution urging Clinton to press Arafat to
hand over killers of Americans.
Yet the two major American newspapers considered none of this
newsworthy. It is as if there is an unspoken gentlemen's agreement not
to rock the boat of the Oslo process. That their silence may cost more
American lives does not seem worthy of consideration.
AN EVEN more sensational story is being ignored almost as assiduously.
It has nothing to do with Israel, but its virtual banishment from the
media reflects the same kind of political correctness.
In its magazine section last Friday, Yediot Aharonot published a scathing
report by Shaul Tzadka about the deterioration of South Africa since the
anti-apartheid revolution. Most of the world media, to their credit,
enthusiastically and consistently supported this revolution. But now they
seem deliberately blind to some of its uglier consequences.
These may be embarrassing and sickening, but above all they are a
tragedy which must be told.
According to Tzadka, today's South Africa leads the world in murders,
armed robberies and drug dealing. Sixty-five people are murdered every
day. (That's almost 25,000 a year, 10 times higher per capita than in
the US.) Six women are raped every hour. Downtown areas are
no-man's lands, where whites neither tread nor drive, and where taking
a taxi is a dangerous adventure.
Gangs of vigilantes take the law into their own hands. They murder
crime suspects after bailing them out of jail. Syndicates openly run
drug, prostitution, money laundering, protection, diamond smuggling,
vehicle hijacking and other rackets. The economy is in a shambles.
Foreign investments have stopped. Sixty percent of the work force is
jobless. Corruption is rampant, particularly in law-enforcement agencies.
The courts are impotent.
In the days of the Soviet empire there were sympathizers of the
Communist revolution in the Western media who either kept silent
about what they knew of the unspeakable Soviet regime, or wrote
party-line fiction glorifying it. (Among the latter was the New York
Times's first Pulitzer Prize winner, Walter Duranty.) They seemed to
believe that the revolution was not only right, but a historic imperative
whose injustices would be corrected in time.
What they achieved was precisely the opposite. Stalinism triumphed
because it felt it could commit its crimes with impunity.
It is entirely possible that the world press is again unable to face the
side effects of a revolution it supported. But somehow it is difficult to
shake off the nagging suspicion that there is also a racist element at
play; that had it been a white regime, such tolerance would not have
been forthcoming.
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