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Bibi Defines the Problem
Wall St. Journal 15 May 2002
Benjamin Netanyahu's political theater in Tel Aviv Sunday night was a
headline-writer's dream; the New York Times' was typical: "Likud Party
Repudiates Palestinian State." But headlines can mislead, and behind
the
drama and the headlines was an issue of substance that Israel and the
world
will have to address.
In what has inevitably been widely seen as a rebuke to Israeli Prime
Minister Ariel Sharon, a founding member of Likud, 60% of the central
committee of his party voted against supporting the creation of a
Palestinian state.
But too much can be made of a word, and in this case the word in
question is
"state."
The party of Messrs. Sharon and Netanyahu did not vote against
self-rule for
Palestinians, or in favor of pushing them east of the Jordan, or for
reoccupation of the territories currently controlled by Yasser Arafat's
Palestinian Authority.
What they did do is make clear that they do not want a state in the
West
Bank and Gaza, one that was free to raise an army, amass military
materiel
and sign treaties with nations hostile to Israel.
These are all sensible concerns. Israel should not be forced to accept
the
creation of a state on its borders capable of threatening its very
existence. Of course, it is possible for a state to be constituted in
such a
way as to ameliorate some of these dangers; in the wake of World War II
fears of renewed aggressive Japanese imperialism at some future date
led to
the creation of a state that was constitutionally prevented from
building or
fielding an effective military.
In the end, what the land occupied by the Palestinians is called is
much
less important than what it is. Israel learned this lesson once in the
1990s
when it signed on to the creation of a Palestinian Authority run by
Arafat
and his PLO. As a trial-run for showing the viability of a two-state
solution, it can only be considered a failure.
Fearing that excluding the PLO from the leadership of the PA would lead
the
PLO terrorists to undermine the PA's authority, Israel and the
international
community invited them in. As a result, Israel is stuck instead with a
PA
that itself conducts terrorism. Which is about what you'd expect when
you
ask terrorists to run a place, whatever name you give it.
What is essential then to any viable settlement is not whether
"Palestine"
is a state or a Special Administrative Region or some other term, but
that
the entity not pose a threat to its neighbors.
To the extent that Mr. Netanyahu's gesture Sunday was designed to
highlight
the limits of what a Palestinian state should be allowed to do within
its
own borders, we are in sympathy with the substance of his stand.
Arafat's
petty dictatorship is corrupt, violent and an active sponsor of terror
against Israeli civilians. There is no sign that Arafat is willing to
change
any of these things.
But there is also the question of political rhetoric. On the one hand,
Mr.
Netanyahu's hard line does suddenly make Mr. Sharon, frequently derided
as
"extreme," look more moderate in the eyes of the world.
But on the other hand, Mr. Netanyahu, despite protestations to the
contrary,
has publicly undermined his own prime minister by delivering a rebuke
to Mr.
Sharon's repeated statements in support of Palestinian statehood. Mr.
Sharon
says the central committee vote, which polls indicate do not reflect
the
feelings of a majority of the party rank-and-file in any case, will not
change his policies nor force him to retract those statements.
Those statements, it should be noted, do not differ so much from Mr.
Netanyahu's on what requirements a future Palestine would have to meet.
Their differences appear to us to be more semantic than substantial.
What is regrettable in all this, however, is that Mr. Netanyahu has
handed a
rhetorical club to Arafat and his supporters, who are now in a better
position to continue to paint their terrorist campaign as a
life-or-death
struggle for political autonomy. Mr. Netanyahu says he is not
interested in
ruling over one single Palestinian, and we believe him, but that is
just the
sort of nuance that the headline writers tend to miss.
Of course, even the Palestinians' cries about the desperation of their
struggle are counterproductive. Even if it were true that
suicide-murder
were the only means at their disposal to advance their cause, it
undermines
the very thing that it is now incumbent on the Palestinians to
demonstrate,
which is that they can live side-by-side with the Israelis in peace.
Until
that can be shown, talk of a Palestinian state must, in any case,
remain
just that -- talk.
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